The headword is masculine accusative singular of this adjective -- rather than neuter nominative/accusative singular -- if extracted from the quotation given (there are other instances: see next note).
[1] Sophocles, Ajax 1404-6 (web address 1); cf. for the headword Sophocles, Trachiniae 214, and Euripides, Ion 212.

The headword is a feminine nominative singular (sic), glossed with a nominative plural. It might be generated by the first quotation given, which includes its epic accusative singular form; alternatively it is quoted here in its own right.
[1] Homer, Iliad 9.213 (web address 1).
[2] Greek Anthology 6.105.1-2 (Apollonides); again at lambda 544, tau 962, phi 819. Contrary to all four passages, "of the harbour" does go with Artemis, as translated here, not the wrasse. The adjective is also spelled with iota, limeni=tis. On this epigram, a fisherman's offerings to Artemis, see Gow and Page vol. I (126-127), vol. II (148-149), and further excerpts at alpha 4456 and zeta 164.
[3] Alexis fr. 134 Kock, now 139 K.-A.; cf. tau 1002.

[1] Lysias fr. 148 Sauppe, now 201 Carey OCT (from the lost speech In reply to Kleon on the gold tripod).

Greek Anthology 6.214.2-4 (Simonides) -- but the headword Daretiou, extracted from it, is otherwise unattested, and problematical. Beckby's text of the Anthology prints dareikou= (cf. delta 72, delta 73). Arguably more attractive, though, is the idea of some connection -- if it could be made metrical here -- with the Damareteion, a gold coin which (according to Diodorus Siculus 11.26.3) was struck by Damarete, the wife of Gelon (gamma 113).
For litrae see lambda 623.

For other (and more common) meanings of the headword e)pista/ths see epsilon 2610, epsilon 2611, epsilon 2612, epsilon 2613, epsilon 2615. The present sense (LSJ s.v, IV), and entry, stems from Aristophanes, Birds 434-436 (web address 1) with scholion; cf. Aristophanes of Byzantium reported by Eustathius in his Commentary on the Odyssey 1827.47.
Dunbar's long note on the Aristophanes passage begins by pointing out that '[t]his must refer to something familiar in a Greek kitchen', but finds no basis for adjudicating between the various scholiastic claims about what it actually is.

The first paragraph of this entry comes from the scholia on Aristophanes, Thesmophoriazusae 131; the second from Philostratus (see n. 3 below).
The headword was used in Patristic Greek to mean 'composed in elaborate language' (Lampe, Lexicon). The verb, however, of which it is the perfect middle/passive participle, meant at the time of Suda 'to blaspheme' (kappa 503, kappa 911). Its various meanings over time (web address 1) needed explanation because they derive from different senses of glw=tta / glw=ssa (LSJ entry at web address 2) in Greek: 'tongue' 'language' and 'rare word'. This entry confuses two or three of these possible meanings.
The context in Aristophanes, Thesmophoriazusae 131 (web address 3) is Mnesilochus' description of a melody as causing erotic arousal. All of the three adjectives he uses for this melody (in the fuller context from which this quotation comes, given at gamma 141 and mu 134) are usually used of types of kisses (perhaps here of the tongue in oral sex; cf. the kisses given to Dicaeopolis in Aristophanes, Acharnians 1201-20). The confusion in the scholion on this word in this passage is even worse. It runs, "Artful and sweet. It is a form of kiss mingled with many tongues (sc. rare words). It is a gloss and lexis (see n.[2]). Properly a tongued-down is the tongue-in kiss." The latter suggests the English "French kiss." For a review of the names of such kisses in the Suda, Hesychius, Eustathius, Pausanias Atticista and Photius see the notes to mu 134.
The rest of the entry illustrates the literary use of the term to mean "(sunk) under too many glosses." See note 2 (LSJ IV: web address 1).
[1] This adjective is also used by Eustathius (on Homer, Iliad 2.694) of melodies sung by those celebrating victories and other festivals (kwma/zontas). On this as the 'hairdresser kiss' see mu 134 note 2.
[2] The Greek word for 'tongue' was -- and still is -- used for an obsolete or rare word that requires explanation to be understood by a contemporary readership. Similarly le/cis is used of a word that requires, and is given, a definition in a lexicon or dictionary. A "glossary" contains glosses (web address 2: LSJ II 2). It was a frequent criticism of the linguistic style of 'new dithyramb' (delta 1029, kappa 2647, and notes there) that it used absurd compound words, illustrated at Aristophanes, Birds 1373ff. (web address 4); cf. the scholia there, and epsilon 1174, sigma 1192.
[3] The rest of the entry comes (with slight alterations) from Philostratus, Life of Apollonius of Tyana 1.17 (partially cited by Photius, Bibl. 241.331b.29ff.), and illustrates the literary meaning of the headword. The following translation is based on that of F.C. Conybeare in the Loeb edition.
[4] For the style of the "new dithyramb" see note [2].
[5] For possible meanings in literary criticism of the term lepto/s and its derivative here leptologi/a see LSJ (web address 5 [II 2-3] and web address 6) and the references in note [2]; cf. Aristophanes, Clouds 153 and Dover's note ad loc. The passage is quoted also at delta 519 and lambda 297.
[6] The term here for "to walk around" (peripate/w) may refer to the Peripatos, the site of the Aristotelian school of philosophy. See LSJ at web address 7 and web address 8, and OCD(4) s.v. Peripatetic school.

Same entry in Photius lambda271 Theodoridis (from Pausanias the Atticist) and similar ones in the paroemiographers.
Lemnos (see lambda 448 and the other cross-references there) was known for two different massacres, both referenced here, though in a greatly abbreviated way. The second massacre, of men by women (lambda 450), was the better known. See Apollodorus 1.9.17 at web address 1.
[1] cf. generally "Lemnian fire" (lambda 449) in (e.g.) Sophocles, Philoctetes 800, and Aristophanes, Lysistrata 299; it issued from the volcano on the island which was reputedly Hephaistos' forge. The present headword phrase itself is presumably a quotation, but unidentifiable.
[2] Myrsilos of Methymna (Lesbos), C3-BCE historian: FGrH 477 (where this fragment is F7b). Medea's rivalry with Hypsipyle would concern Jason, who slept with H. while visiting Lemnos.
[3] Sic, but actually Kaukalos (of Chios, C4-BCE historian: FGrH 38, where this fragment is F2).
[4] Morris Silver argues that the odor was "a mythological translation of the repulsive smell of murex-dye factories." See web address 2.
[5] cf. Herodotus 6.138.

The headword is unattested (in any and all cases) outside lexicography in this precise form; what Homer and Hesiod have is w)tw/eis (of a tripod with 'ear' handles).

The headword -- apparently generated by Aristophanes, Wasps 238: see below -- is a masculine noun in the nominative singular. See LSJ s.v., epsilon 1387, and the following notes for other meanings.
[1] At Aristophanes, Wasps 238 (web address 1), the chorus-leader recounts how the chorus pilfered to\n o(/lmon (the round smooth stone, accusative singular of the headword) one night. One scholion to the passage identifies this as o(/lmon to\ mageiriko/n, a cooking stone; but see below, n.3 (end). The glossing adjective is the neuter nominative/vocative/accusative (and masculine accusative) singular form of mageiriko/s, -h/, -o/n (fit for a cook); see LSJ s.v.
[2] The Pythia, Apollo's priestess at Delphi (OCD(4) s.v. Delphic oracle), employed two kinds of tripod: a three-legged bronze bowl for holding oracular tokens, and a stool upon which she sat while delivering prophecies; cf. pi 3137, theta 281 (end), and Smith, pp. 1014-5.
[3] A scholion (= D scholia) to Homer, Iliad 11.147 (web address 2) is identical, except that it defines a o(/lmos as a koi=los li/qos (hollow stone). Given the text, this is problematic. This verse and its context describe how Agamemnon slew Hippolochus. The Greek king cuts off the arms of his opponent with a sword, beheads him, and then sends the Trojan's armless, headless torso "rolling like a round stone among the throng", to quote the Loeb edition's translation (Murray, p. 503). This rendering of the passage thus combines the scholiast's interpretation of o(/lmos as a stone with the Suda lexicographer's view that it is round, not hollow. Objecting to the very dubious image of a headless, armless human torso rolling about the field of battle like a round stone, Hainsworth (p. 241) suggests that the o(/lmos of Homer's simile signifies a hollowed-out log. He cites Hesiod, Works and Days 423 (web address 3), where the farmer is advised to hew a three-foot mortar (o(/lmon tripo/dhn ta/mnein) during the autumnal woodcutting season, as precedence for this proposed exegesis (Hainsworth, ibid.). Indeed, a second scholion to Aristophanes, Wasps 238 (web address 1), quotes this very line of Hesiod and observes that it could be understood as the mortar being made of wood (w(s culi/nou o)/ntos tou= o(/lmou). Finally, Hesychius omicron595 s.v. o(/lmos notes that this tool, in addition to being a stone for crushing plants, could be a cylinder.

C6/5 BCE; died c.470. See generally OCD4 Pausanias(1). The present entry's material comes, according to Adler, from an epitome of Herodotus; however, most of what it covers is dealt with, rather, in Thucydides 1.128-135; and see also n.3 below.
[1] Greek Anthology 6.197, attributed to Simonides.
[2] See generally mu 882, and (re Pausanias) mu 886.
[3] This aspect of the story is not in Thucydides; see rather Diodorus Siculus 11.45.6-7, Cornelius Nepos 4.5.3, and Polyaenus 8.51. (Polyaenus names P.'s mother as Theano; the Suda has Anchithea [see above]; the correct version, preserved in an Aristophanic scholiast, is thought to be Alkathoa.)
[4] See beta 100, kappa 1161, kappa 1212.
[5] Two such statues, in fact; see Thucydides 1.134.4.

Same entry in Photius (pi628 Theodoridis, with other references there). See also, in brief, at omega 241.
[1] "As if victorious [athletes] collecting rewards" is a quotation from the tenth (sic) book at the very end of Plato's Republic (621D). Socrates is speaking to Glaukon: "If we believe me and consider that the soul is immortal and capable of enduring all things bad and all things good, we will always hold to the upward road and practice justice with wisdom in every way in order that we be friends to ourselves and to the gods, both while remaining here and whenever, just as victorious [athletes] collecting rewards, we receive the prizes of justice. Here and on that journey of a thousand years about which I have told you, we shall prosper" (621C-D).
[2] The author of this entry seems to have principally in mind here the funeral games for Patroclus in Iliad 23, for which Achilles acted as master of the games who presented (and, in this case, provided) the prizes for the contests:
However, Achilles
held the people there and had the broad assembly sit down.
He brought up prizes from the ships, cauldrons and tripods
and horses and mules and heads of stalwart cattle
and lovely girdled women and gray iron.
First, for the swift-footed horsemen brilliant prizes
he set forth for taking away, a women skilled in blameless works
and a tripod with handles that held twenty-two measures
for the first prize. Then for second, he set forth a horse
of six years, one never broken and in foal with an infant mule.
For third prize, he set down a cauldron never put to the fire,
a beautiful thing, holding four measures and still as white as new.
For fourth, he set out a weight of gold, and for fifth prize,
he set out a shallow cauldron with two handles, untouched by the fire.
He stood straight and spoke his word among the Argives:
"Son of Atreus and you other well-greaved Achaeans,
these prizes are laid down in the assembly, awaiting horsemen" (Homer, Iliad 23.257-273).
[3] I have found nothing to corroborate this story, which reads like a foundation myth rather than historical practice.
[4] Photius' original -- as emended by Porson -- not only includes the preposition but also, more importantly, gets the name right: 'about Astylos'. This is fragment 1 in D.L. Page, Poetae Melici Graeci (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1962), 238.
[5] This appears to be an Athenian invention, another example of the Athenians' willingness to claim authorship in matters athletic. See note 7 to kappa 2161.

[1] Likewise or similarly glossed in other lexica; references at Photius pi666 Theodoridis. The headword is quoted from Homer: see next note.
[2] An approximation of Homer, Iliad 23.485, which has tri/podos peridw/meqon (web address 1).

[1] Paraphrased from the commentary by ps.-Nonnus -- i.e. not the poet mentioned under nu 489 -- on Gregory of Nazianzus' Oration II Against Julian (PG 36.1045a-b). See also pi 3127, pi 3128, pi 3129, pi 3130; and for 'enthusiasm' epsilon 1365, epsilon 1366.
[2] This additional note, lacking (Adler reports) in mss A(F)V, comes from delta 210. For the implied etymology of Pytho see pi 3138.

Apart from a few differences, the first and principal part follows Photius, Lexicon s.v. *sami/wn o( dh=mos (sigma61 Theodoridis), and appears again in Apostolius 15.32 with some additional commentary. Erbse ascribes it to Pausanias the Atticist (sigma3). Compare also Hesychius sigma150, who comments differently on the same Aristophanes passage (see note 1 below).
[1] Aristophanes fr. 64 Kock (71 Kassel-Austin). A fuller quotation, which appears in Photius and Hesychius, clarifies the pertinence of the subsequent commentary: *sami/wn o( dh=mo/s e)stin, w(s polugra/mmatos ('It is the Samian populace, how multi-lettered!' [or 'multi-marked']). The longer quotation appears in the marginalia of Suda ms M.
[2] A stater (sigma 1008, sigma 1009) is two drachmas and was a standard coin of East Greece.
[3] Aristotle fr. 575 Rose.
[4] Andron of Ephesus FHG II p.348 fr.7 (not in FGrH); ?fourth century BC.
[5] The text is corrupt here, as it is (differently) in Photius and Apostolius. Jacoby ap. FGrH 76 [Douris of Samos] F66, following in the footsteps of Taylor and Bernhardy (and indeed others), emends to make Archinos the subject of the sentence. Likewise, latterly, Theodoridis on Photius. (This is an allusion to 403/2 BC, the year when the Athenians adopted the Ionian alphabet, using the long vowels eta and omega, in their public inscriptions. See under alpha 4360.) For another attempted solution see Armand J. d'Angour, 'Archinus, Eukleides and the reform of the Athenian alphabet', BICS 43 (1999) 109-130, at 114: he retains 'Archinos the Athenian' in the genitive, with an implicit to/te pei/santos, and understands the subject of 'persuaded' to be the previously-mentioned Kallistratos; cf. Ephorus FGrH 60 F106, 'Kallistratos, a Samian, changed the lettering during the Peloponnesian War and presented it to the Athenians in the archonship of Eukleides, as Ephorus says'. If this Kallistratos really did propose a decree in the Athenian assembly, he can only (as d'Angour notes) be a 'Samian' in origin, but his whole existence is thrown into some doubt by the proximity of Aristophanes' didaskalos of the same name, about to be mentioned.
[6] 427/6 BC.
[7] Theopompus FGrH 115 F155.
[8] For the historical context (the end of the Samian rebellion against Athens in 440/439 BCE), see Thucydides 1.116-17 (web address 1), who, however, mentions nothing about the tattooing. The story circulates among late authors, the most historiographically respectable being Plutarch, Perikles 26 (where, as also at tau 142, the tattoos inflicted are wrongly reversed). See Gomme ad 1.117, who doubts the authenticity of the story (as does Karavites 1985), but also see Stadter (1989: 250), who thinks there might be something to it. The same story is also referred to at sigma 75 and tau 142, and, among others, Aelian Varia Historia 2.9. Cf. also epsilon 3225.
[9] See note 5 above.
[10] At this point the version of Photius stops. For the rest cf. tau 142.

On the Delphic tripod (the lemma contains the genitive case of tri/pous; see generally LSJ s.v.), cf. also tau 1001: tri/poda in the accusative.
[1] In the Suda's rendering (see n. 3 below) of the passage, Apollo; cf. pi 3130. [Adler reports that mss VM transmit ginome/nh, nominative case: she having engaged.]
[2] Aristoklea/Aristoclea (= Themistoklea/Themistoclea), priestess of Apollo at Delphi (cf. delta 210), and legendary source of Pythagoras' ethical doctrines. Adler cites (Aristoxenus in) Diogenes Laertius 8.8 (web address 1).
[3] The first paragraph of the gloss is almost identical in Photius, Lexicon tau6 Theodoridis, though the latter (as Adler observes in her critical apparatus) has *puqago/ran to\n *delfo\n (Delphic Pythagoras). The original source, again referring to Pythagoras, is taken to be Pausanias the Atticist (tau1); see also pi 3120 with the cross-references there, and OCD(4) pp.1245-6.
[Adler's critical apparatus on this part of the entry is intricate. The present reading is given by ms A and an alternative reading in ms M. Also, she reports, ms F reads manteuome/nwn, to interpret her prophesizing as divine. Also: ms A transmits o(/son (neuter singular, as much as) and e)/xrae qs (g-d prophesied); and, still trying to clarify this part of the passage, ms F reads e)/xra o( qeo\s, and mss GVM transmit e)/xraen o( qeo\s. The last parenthetical remark, repeating the lemma, is lacking in ms F.]
[4] The present active participle, masculine genitive singular, is from the contract verb peripate/w, I walk about, up and down, gesturing here perhaps at methods of argumentation employed at the Peripatos, the site of Aristotle's school of philosophy, as well as invoking a sense of deliberately vague and evasive debate. [Adler reports that mss AV read ei)rwneuo/menos, the nominative, although the genitive is required of the person from whom something is heard. Consistently, ms A transmits peripatou=n, again the nominative; and ms V omits e)s and inserts de\ (and addressing).]
[5] Philostratus, Life of Apollonius of Tyana 1.17; cf. kappa 912.

The headword phrase, referring to the tripod on which the Pythian priestess at Delphi sat while delivering the god's prophecies, is a variant of that dealt with at tau 15. For this version cf. Diogenianus 8.21, but outside lexicography the phrase appears as such only at Philostratus, Life of Apollonius 2.37; elsewhere it appears with qualifications such as "Pythian tripod" or "Delphic tripod"; e.g. Lucian, Pseudologista 10, or (with irony) "Macedonian tripod" at Plutarch, Demosthenes 29. See generally Tosi no.2285.
[1] Homer Iliad 1.70 (describing not Apollo but the seer Calchas).
[2] A closely similar version of this story is found in the scholia to Aristophanes, Wealth [Plutus] 9, where the phrase tri/podos e)k xrushla/tou ("From a golden tripod") occurs.
[3] a.k.a. the Seven Sages; see generally OCD(4) s.v.

cf. generally tau 103.
[1] See already tau 15.

See also tau 31, tau 33.
[1] This is not the historian Diodorus Siculus but a later writer of the same (quite common) name.
[2] cf. mu 1144, mu 1145
[3] cf. omicron 7, chi 55.
[4] cf. scholion on Homer, Iliad 5.576.
[5] Homer, Iliad 18.507 (web address 1), repeated at 23.269; see next note.
[6] From the scholia to Homer, Iliad 23.269.
[7] Cf. Matthew 25.15 ff. (web address 2). The TLG does not find a parallel to this comment.
[8] cf. (e.g.) mu 975, sigma 970, tau 283.
[9] Aristophanes, Clouds 875-6 (web address 3), with scholion; cf. alpha 2010, chi 151.
[10] From the scholia to Aristophanes, Clouds 758 (where the adjective 'five-talent' occurs).
[11] Josephus, Jewish War 5.270 (web address 4).
[12] cf. Diodorus Siculus 12.45.4; Plutarch, Pericles 35.

Same or similar entries in other lexica. The headword is accusative case; either it is quoted from somewhere or else simply extracted from the entry itself (which cannot strictly speaking be a gloss on the headword).
cf. under epsilon 2614; and generally tau 1003.

cf. tau 1001, tau 1003.
[1] Homer, Iliad 22.164 (prizes): web address 1.
[2] So too Hesychius.
[3] From alpha 2523.

From the scholia to Aristophanes, Plutus [Wealth] 9, where the genitive case of the headword is used in connection with Apollo (web address 1). See also tau 1001, tau 1002.

Theodosius I the Great [for Theodosius II see theta 145]: 346 - January 17, 395 CE. Crowned Augustus on January 19, 378. See generally OCD(4) s.v. Theodosius(2); PLRE I, s.v. Flavius Theodosius 4; RE 10 and Suppl. 13.837-961; De Imperatoribus Romanis (David Woods) at web address 1.
As typical of entries on historical figures, the Suda presents a highly selective image of Theodosius’ life. This entry essentially consists of two passages from Zosimus’ Nova Historia (4.50-51 and 4.59) and an unrelated appendage on a homonym, Theodosius the Cenobiarch. The passages from Zosimus (zeta 169?) were probably derived from Eunapius’ Chronicle (349 – c.414 CE), which linked the disasters of the fourth and fifth centuries to the abandonment of traditional religious practices. Eunapius’ negative depiction of Theodosius, who to Eunapius completed the destruction of the empire begun by Constantine (Buck 1988, p. 41), undoubtedly influenced Zosimus’ characterization (Mendelssohn 1887, p. 266; Zosimus 1979, vol. 2, p. 447; cf. Jeep, op.cit. ibid.; Cameron 1969, p. 259). This entry follows Zosimus almost exactly, although a few sentences are simplified and some of Zosimus’ overtly anti-Christian rhetoric is suppressed.
[1] Theodosius initially recognized Magnus Maximus (De Imperatoribus Romanis, Walter E. Roberts, at web address 2) as Augustus after he had executed the western Emperor Gratian and occupied Gaul in 383. But when Maximus expelled Valentinian II in 387, Theodosius marched to the West and executed him at Aquila on August 27, 388.
[2] A contingent of Goths ('Scythians'), which may have included Alaric, defected from the Eastern army in 387 when Theodosius joined Valentinian II in the war against Maximus. They plundered the area of Salonica until Theodosius returned in 391 and drove them into Thrace. For the bizarre story of how Theodosius defeated the Goths, see Zosimus NH 4.48-49. The reference to Scythians here undoubtedly derives from the imprecise and confused ethnographic terminology used by the Suda’s sources. See Miteva 1988 for a full account (web address 3).
[3] It seems likely that the cryptic 'slaughter of Romans' refers to Theodosius’ infamous execution (in 390) of 7000 inhabitants of Thessalonica in retribution for the death of his general Butheric and several officers (Ambrose, Ep. 51; Theodoret, HE 5.17-18; Larson 1970). On strict chronological grounds, this notice cannot refer to the defeat of Arbogast (alpha 81) and Eugenius (De Imperatoribus Romanis, Walter E. Roberts, web address 4) at the Battle of Frigidus in 394, as Promotus fell from favor in 392. The 'slaughter of Romans', however, does not appear in Zosimus and it is possible that the Suda or its direct source has mistakenly included the battle of Frigidus at this point.
[4] pole/mois – katasta/s comes nearly verbatim from Zosimus NH 4.50-51; the entry omits Zosimus’ introduction, which implies that exhaustion from campaigning, rather than a venal spirit, contributed to Theodosius’ withdrawal. Promotus commanded Theodosius’ cavalry during the campaign against Maximus (RE VI A, pp. 1240f.; PLRE I, p. 914f.). He was removed from Court in 392 at the order of Theodosius (PLRE I, p. 750-751).
[5] Theodosius’ addiction to luxury was a common element of the portraits constructed by Eunapius and Zosimus: Eunapius frr. 48 and 49 (Exc. de Sent.); Zosimus NH 4.27.1; 4.33; 4.44.1, 4.50. Unsurprisingly, his panegyrist Pacatus praises him for frugality (Pacatus 13).
[6] cf. epsilon 498: e)kmelh\s r(a|qumi/a| te pa/sh| e)kkei/menos.
[7] cf. Zosimus NH 4.43.2.
[8] i.e. in 393 at Constantinople. Rufinus (rho 240) was a native of Aquitaine.
[9] Magister Officiorum: supervised all audiences with the emperor and had extensive authority over both civil and military officers (Cod. 1 tit.31; 12 tit.16; Cod. Theod. 1 tit.9; 6 tit.9; Amm. Marc. 15.5; 20.2, 22.3; Cassiod. Variar. 6.6). At this point the Suda breaks away from Zosimus’ account, which focused on political intrigues surrounding Rufinus’ rise to power and the war against Arbogast and Eugenius (NH 4.51-58).
[10] Honorius (omicron 405) was not elevated to Augustus in Rome, as this entry implies, but at Constantinople’s Hebdomon on January 23rd, 393, before Theodosius departed to the West to suppress Eugenius’ insurrection (Consul. Vind. Chron. I p. 298, 393, 521 and Seeck V p. 539). Honorius, however, had been proclaimed Caesar in Rome, with Theodosius in attendance, in 389 (Pacatus 47.3).
[11] The remainder of this entry’s discussion of Theodosius is derived from Zosimus NH 4.59.1-3. While Theodosius’ call on the senators to renounce pagan rites may have been historical (Ridley 1982, p. 204, n. 156), the story of Theodosius’ journey to Rome and his confrontation with a pagan senate in the fall of 394 is fiction (Zosimus 1986, vol. 2, pp. 470-473; Ensslin 1953; Döpp 1975; Buck 1988, p. 50-52; cf. Cameron 1969). It was not Theodosius but Gratian who first abolished state subsides for pagan rites in conjunction with the Altar of Victory controversy in 382. In fact, the subsidies had only been re-instituted by Eugenius and Nicomachus Flavianus in the months before the battle of Frigidus (Cameron 1969, p. 251).
[12] The anacoluthon at the start of this sentence is caused by the substitution of the neutral ta\ *xristianw=n for the anti-Christian a)/logon sugkata/qesin ('absurd submission') of Zosimus’ text.
[13] Theodosius the Cenobiarch: b. 423, Garissus; d. 529 CE; founded a large monastery at Cathismus and three churches before being appointed Cenobiarch – or supervisor - of all religious communities in Palestine; see Wikipedia entry at web address 5.
[14] cf. alpha 2077. Born c. 430 CE; selected by the Empress Ariadne as successor to her husband Zeno; acclaimed emperor on April 11, 491; d. July 9th, 518; nicknamed “Dicoros” (Two-Pupils) because of the color of his eyes: one black, one blue. He believed in Monophysitism, which held that Christ has only one nature, as opposed to the Chalcedonian (orthodox) position which holds that Christ has two natures, one divine and one human. Anastasius attempted to bribe Saint Theodosius to gain support for Monophysitism but Theodosius distributed the money to the poor.

The headword is extracted from the quotation given.
[1] Aristophanes, Wealth [Plutus] 9, with comment partly drawn from the scholia there (but see next note).
[2] This material is not in the scholia; and no such verb is elsewhere attested.
[3] o(/lmos: LSJ entry at web address 1. See also epsilon 1387, omicron 181.

Source: Parastaseis syntomoi chronikai 20 (= Scriptores originum Constantinopolitanarum (Preger, ed.) 32.7-13), an early eighth-century compilation of antiquarian information about Byzantium/Constantinople. See the recent translation and commentary (with Preger's text) by Cameron and Herrin. Two other versions of the passage are found in the topographical section of the Patria Constantinopoleos once ascribed to Codinus (Preger S.o.C. 2.135-209), sections 19 and 105, and there is also one in an anonymous MS edited by M. Treu (section 11.1). The relation among all these versions is discussed by Preger (1895): 38, and the textual differences between them are sometimes significant (see below).
[1] Literally "Dry Hill", a triangular plateau in the southwestern part of Constantinople where numerous imperial monuments were located, including the forum and column of Arcadius. See Guilland 2.59 ff.; Müller-Wiener 250-53; Cameron and Herrin 195-6.
[2] This word is capitalized in Adler's text, but not in that of Preger. Elsewhere in the Parastaseis theama is used in general for "noteworthy sight" (see esp. sections 38, 42, 43). Cameron and Herrin state (196) that this specialized use "makes Guilland's suggestion that the forum was originally called "Thauma" most unlikely." Yet the use of the term is not so rigid (cf. sections 6, 17, 37, e.g.), and a parallel for its use in an expression of the kind we see here, "formerly some people called it theama," (Par. uses the aorist rather than the imperfect tense of the Suda here) is difficult to find. The use of the term as a toponym cannot be excluded.
[3] The Suda's koxli/ai, which is also the reading in the Patria and Treu, is koxli/dai, which Preger (followed by Cameron and Herrin) interprets as "spiral columns" on the basis of the Latin term coclides used to describe the columns of Trajan and Marcus Aurelius in Notitia regionum urbis Romae 8 and 9.
[4] The term sth/lh, translated here as 'monument', is the most frequent term used in the Parastaseis for a 'statue', but it can also be applied to other monuments; cf. Cameron and Herrin 31.
[5] The Suda, along with the Patria, reads *)arte/midos ('of Artemis') whereas Parastaseis has the nominative case, *)/artemis. Hence the very different translation of Cameron and Herrin: "...and Artemis, a composite statue (stele), and one of the builder...Severus..." Either text could be referring to two sculptures, but with the text of the Suda and the Patria there is the possibility that we are dealing with a single sculptural work (perhaps even an actual stele) depicting both Artemis and Severus. This is also one possible explanation for the term sunqeth/ ('composite'). Cameron and Herrin alternatively suggest (196) that it could refer to the disparate features of an Artemis of the Ephesian type, and Bassett (2004): 187, that it represents a multi-figured sculptural composition. It may also refer to the use of different materials in the composition of the sculpture (cf. Hesychius Illustris 29 (apud Preger S.o.C 1.1-18)), although Bassett (loc. cit.) doubts this.
[6] The emperor Septimius Severus (reigned 193-211).
[7] qema/tion, translated here as "monument", is used for various objects in the Parastaseis (e.g. 5d, 6). Cameron and Herrin translate "...and a monument - a tripod."
[8] The Christian authors of the Parastaseis betray many interesting superstitions about pagan monuments and rituals. See Cameron and Herrin 31-34.
[9] The meaning of this is uncertain; cf. Cameron and Herrin 196.