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1 Lex Gabinia: Miltner, RE 21 (1952) 2093-98; S. Jameson, "Pompey's Imperium in 67: Some Constitutional Fictions," Historia 19 (1970) 539-60. On the grain supply and the pirate threat, see G. Rickman, The Corn Supply of Ancient Rome (Oxford 1980) 50-51.
2 Cic. Leg. Man. 53 and 56. Also, see R.M. Kallet-Marx, Hegemony to Empire. The Development of the Roman Imperium in the East from 148 to 62 B.C. (Berkeley 1995) 316-17. For recent discussions on the pirates see H. Pohl, Die römische Politik und die Piraterie im östlichen Mittelmeer vom 3. Bis 1 Jh. V. Chr (1993); P. De Souza, Piracy in the Graeco-Roman World (Cambridge 1999); and N. Rauh et al., "Pirates in the Bay of Pamphylia: An Archaeological Inquiry," in J.S. Oliver et al. eds., The Sea in Antiquity. BAR International Series 899 (Oxford 2000) 151-80.
3 Phlegon, FGrHist 257 F 12 and 13. On the attack on Delos see M.-F. Boussac, "Sceaux déliens," RA (1988) II 307-40.
4 For the wall, see P. Bruneau and J. Ducat, Guide de Délos3 (Paris 1983) 198. Triarus issued a series of silver coins possibly for payment to workmen engaged in constructing the wall; see J. Kroll, The Athenian Agora. XXVI. The Greek Coins (Princeton 1993) 84 and 250 no. 830. Triarus was honored by the Delians with several monuments in his honor: Phlegon, FGrHist 257 F 12 and 13. I Délos 1621 and 1855-58. See P. Roussel, Délos. Colonie Athénienne (Paris 1916) 331-32; Ch. Habicht, Athens from Alexander to Antony (Cambridge, Mass. 1997) 342.
5 One can assume that Pompey's speech, most likely delivered to a hastily convened meeting of the ἐκκλησία, was given from the βῆμα in the Agora; on the βῆμα see T. L. Shear, "The Campaign of 1937," Hesperia 7 (1938) 324. Athenaeus 5, 212 e-f, in recounting Athenion's pro-Mithradates speech in 88, mentions the βῆμα. For its location at the eastern side of the Agora on axis with the Stoa of Attalos, see H.A. Thompson and R.E. Wycherley, The Agora of Athens, Agora XIV. The Athenian Agora (Princeton 1972) 51-52.
6 Plut. Pomp. 27: Ἐφ᾽ ὅσον ὢν ἄνθρωπος οἶδας, ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον εἶ θεός: Προσεδοκῶμεν, προσεκυνοῦμεν, εἴδομεν, προπέμπομεν. Cf. J. Zonaras, 10,3.
7 For a recent study concerning Roman citizens residing in or visiting Athens during the Republic, see Habicht, "Roman Citizens in Athens (228 - 31 B.C.)," in M.C. Hoff and S.I. Rotroff, The Romanization of Athens (Oxford 1997) 9-17, esp. 10.
8 Mucius Scaevola: Cic. Fin. 1.8-9; see Habicht, Athens, (above, note 4) 293-94. Licinius Crassus: Cic. De Or. 3.; see K. Clinton, "The Eleusinian Mysteries: Roman Initiates and Benefactors, Second Century B.C. to A.D. 267," ANRW II: 18.2 (Berlin 1989) 1503.
9 ILLRP 342 l. 5 and 6; see Kallet-Marx, (above, note 2) 204-05, and Habicht, "Roman Citizens", (above, note 7) 10.
10 Cic. Att. 5,10.2; 5,21,14; 6,1,26; cf. Habicht, Athens, (above, note 4) 10. In 79, Cicero spent six months in Athens as a private citizen, engaged in study and was initiated into the Mysteries at that time; Cic. De Leg. II,36; Clinton, (above, note 8) 1504.
11 For an account of events leading up to the siege and destruction, see M.C. Hoff, "Laceratae Athenae: Sulla's Siege of Athens in 87/6 B.C. and its Aftermath," in Hoff and Rotroff, (above, note 7) 33-51.
13 S. Rotroff, "From Greek to Roman in Athenian Ceramics," in Hoff and Rotroff, (above, note 7) 102-04.
14 E. Lyding Will, "Shipping Amphoras as Indicators of Economic Romanization in Athens," in Hoff and Rotroff, (above, note 7) 127.
15 For pirate raids at Epidauros, Argos and Isthmia, see Plut. Pomp. 24.4-6; other plundered cities and sanctuaries mentioned in the ancient sources include Knidos, Colophon, Samothrace, Claros, Didyma, and Samos (Cic. Leg. Man. 33.53; Phlegon, FGrHist 257 F 12.13.)
16 This formula is similar to Tiberius refusing divine honors, "ego me...mortalem esse et hominum officia fungi satisque habere" (Tac. Ann. 4, 37,38). For discussion, see M.P. Charlesworth, "The Refusal of Divine Honors: An Augustan Formula," PBSR 15 (1939) 1-10.
17 I Délos 1641; see Roussel, (above, note 4) 333; see J. Day, An Economic History of Athens under Roman Domination (New York 1942) 160-61.
18 For the honors at Side, see I Side 101 = AE (1966) 462; Mytilene: IG XII, 2.59 line 18. For further divine honors to Pompey, see L Cerfaux and J. Tondriau, Le Culte des souverains dans la civilisation gréco-romaine (Tournai 1957) 284-85.
19 Cic. De Imp. Cn. Pomp. 41: "...de caelo delapsum intuentur."
20 Appian, Bellum Civile 2.86: "τῷ ναοῖς βρίθοντι πόση σπάνις ἔπλετο τύμβου." See Anth. Pal. 9, 402. No temples to Pompey have yet been identified.
21 Syll3 751; also, see V.I. Anastasiadis, "Theophanes and Mytilene's Freedom Reconsidered," Tekmeria 1 (1995) 1-14.
22 A statue inscription in Demetrias in Thessaly, which was originally dedicated to a supporter of Pompey, C. Caelius, and was re-carved shortly after Pharsalos to honor Caesar, echoes this new anti-Pompey/pro-Caesar Zeitgeist. On this statue see A.E. Raubitshek, "Epigraphical Notes on Julius Caesar," JRS 44 (1954) 66-67.
23 Sex. Pompeius: IG II2, 4100; Cn. Pompeius Strabo: IG II2, 4101. The statue of Sex. Pompeius has been dated to the time of his pro-consulship in Macedonia; see T.R. Broughton, The Magistrates of the Roman Republic vol. 3 (New York 1986) 166. Letter-forms on the inscriptions, however, do not suggest to Kallet-Marx, (above, note 2) 52 a date in the second century. Kallet-Marx sees either visit of Pompey's as a likely occasion for its dedication, although the briefness of the first visit suggests the latter as the likelier candidate.
24 Coins from the Agora, which bear on the obverse a dolphin and trident, symbols of Poseidon, may be associated with Pompey. On the reverse are ears of wheat, that perhaps refer to an initiation of Pompey into the Eleusinian Mysteries; see Kroll, (above, note 4) 99.
25 See Hoff, (above, note 11) 38-44.
26 Day, (above, note 17) 145-46; G.R. Culley, "The Restoration of Sanctuaries in Attica, II," Hesperia 46 (1977) 286.
27 The term δεῖγμα is often translated as meaning 'bazaar' but this is rather vague. Δεῖγμα is derived from the verb δείκνυμι, which suggests a place where goods could be exhibited. Literary evidence seems to place the Deigma right at the shoreline of the Piraeus, perhaps on a quay (Xen. Hell. 5.1.21; Dem. Or. 35.29). Because of its close proximity to the harbor and docks, the Deigma may have operated as a specially defined area, perhaps architectural, where samples of goods direct from moored ships could be displayed and sold. See also Poll. 9,34 and the Scholion to Aristophanes' Knights, 979; cf. RE 4 (1901) 2388, s.v. δεῖγμα (Szanto), W. Judeich, Topographie von Athen2 (Munich 1931) 448, and most recently, R. Garland, The Piraeus, (London 1987) 154.
28 Hoff, (above, note 11) 38 and note 36; also, R. Garland, The Piraeus (London 1987) 56.
29 Cic. Att. 6.1.25: Et heus tu, genua vos a Caesare per Herodem talenta Attica L extorsistis? In quo, ut audio, magnum odium Pompei suscepistis; putat enim suos nummos vos comedisse....
30 See E. Rawson, "Cicero and the Areopagus," Atheneum 63 (1985) 44-45; M. Hoff, "The Early History of the Roman Agora at Athens," in S. Walker and A. Cameron, eds., The Greek Renaissance in the Roman Empire. Papers from the Tenth British Museum Classical Colloquium. BISC Suppl. 55 (London 1989) 1-3; M. Hoff, "The Roman Agora at Athens" (Diss. Boston U. 1988) 95-96.
31 D. Geagan, "A Family of Marathon and Social Mobility in Athens of the First Century B.C.," Phoenix 46 (1992) 29-44.
32 As per Rawson, (above, note 30) 46.
33 P. Graindor, Un Milliardaire antique. Hérode Atticus et sa famille (Cairo 1930) 7, ignorant of the Cicero letter, suggests that Caesar's purpose in donating the funds was to outdo Pompey.
34 E.J. Owens, "Increasing Roman Domination of Greece in the Years 48-27 B.C.," Latomus 35 (1976) 720.
35 Habicht, Athens, (above, note 4) 351. The allusion to Demeter and Kore may suggest ties between the two protagonists and the Eleusinian Mysteries. It has already been suggested above that Pompey may have been initiated into the Mysteries during one of his visits to Athens (above, note 24). Caesar is not known to have visited Athens before 47, when he came to the city after defeating Pharnaces (Cass. Dio 42.14), nor is there any evidence that he was ever initiated into the Mysteries.
36 Cic, Fam. 9.9: "petere...ut tu te vel Athenas vel in quamvis quietam civitatem." Cf. Habicht, Athens, (above note 4) 351 note 62.
37 Plutarch reports (Caes. 42) that Pompey's troops outnumbered those of Caesar's by over two to one.
38 Lucan, Pharsalia 3.181-83: "exhausit totus quamvis dilectus Athenas, / exiguae Phoebea tenent navalia puppes / tresque petunt verum credi Salamina carinae." Livy (109, fr. 36) specifies "nam Athenienses de tanta maritima gloria vix duas naves effecere." Compare Caesar (Bellum Civile 3.3), who simply states that Athens contributed ships to Pompey. The low number of ships in the Athenian levy likely reflects the poor state of naval preparedness in the years following Sulla and also Roman desire to keep a limit on military equipment.
39 Appian, Bellum Civile 2.315.
40 Caes. Bellum Civile 3.56; Cass. Dio 42.14.1-2; Plut. Caes. 43.
41 A Latin inscription in Athens records an epitaph (ILLRP 502) for a centurion, N. Grannonius, in Pompey's Second Legion; see Rawson, (above, note 30) 46 and Habicht, "Roman Citizens" (above, note 7) 9.
42 Plutarch (Caes. 43) reports that immediately before the battle Caesar asked his troops whether they should wait for Calenus to arrive from Athens or attack without reinforcements from Calenus.
43 Although in a letter written in March of 45 to Cicero (Fam. 5.4), Servius Sulpicius Rufus, the governor of Achaea, laments the present state of several Greek cities, including the Piraeus and Megara which had been recently damaged by Calenus.